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Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times PDF, ePub eBook

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Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times

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Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times PDF, ePub eBook THE STORY OF SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT AND LITTLE-KNOWN ACTIVISTS OF THE 1960s, IN A DEEPLY SOURCED NARRATIVE HISTORY   The historians of the late 1960s have emphasized the work of a group of white college activists who courageously took to the streets to protest the war in Vietnam and continuing racial inequality. Poor and working-class whites have tended to be painted a THE STORY OF SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT AND LITTLE-KNOWN ACTIVISTS OF THE 1960s, IN A DEEPLY SOURCED NARRATIVE HISTORY   The historians of the late 1960s have emphasized the work of a group of white college activists who courageously took to the streets to protest the war in Vietnam and continuing racial inequality. Poor and working-class whites have tended to be painted as spectators, reactionaries, and, even, racists. Most Americans, the story goes, just watched the political movements of the sixties go by. James Tracy and Amy Sonnie, who have been interviewing activists from the era for nearly ten years, reject this old narrative. They show that poor and working-class radicals, inspired by the Civil Rights movement, the Black Panthers, and progressive populism, started to organize significant political struggles against racism and inequality during the 1960s and 1970s. Among these groups: +  JOIN Community Union brought together southern migrants, student radicals, and welfare recipients in Chicago to fight for housing, health, and welfare . . .   +  The Young Patriots Organization and Rising Up Angry organized self-identified hillbillies, Chicago greasers, Vietnam vets, and young feminists into a legendary “Rainbow Coalition” with Black and Puerto Rican activists . . .   +  In Philadelphia, the October 4th Organization united residents of industrial Kensington against big business, war, and a repressive police force . . .   + In the Bronx, White Lightning occupied hospitals and built coalitions with doctors to fight for the rights of drug addicts and the poor. Exploring an untold history of the New Left, the book shows how these groups helped to redefine community organizing—and transforms the way we think about a pivotal moment in U.S. history.

30 review for Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times

  1. 5 out of 5

    Dan Sharber

    i really enjoyed this book a lot. i am a huge fan of movement history and this is a great companion to many other good books on the 60's. i had read books that dealt with sds's foray into poor white communities in its erap project but nothing that went into any detail about the groups and projects they were involved in. i think, as the authors state, there are real lessons to be learned by these experiences. paradoxically, when sncc moved to a black only organization and the black panthers becam i really enjoyed this book a lot. i am a huge fan of movement history and this is a great companion to many other good books on the 60's. i had read books that dealt with sds's foray into poor white communities in its erap project but nothing that went into any detail about the groups and projects they were involved in. i think, as the authors state, there are real lessons to be learned by these experiences. paradoxically, when sncc moved to a black only organization and the black panthers became the revolutionary vanguard telling whites to 'organize their own' it actually created much stronger interracial solidarity in a lot of cases - and especially within the groups profiled in this book. and while some groups became sort of black panther support groups, others found real success in organizing rent strikes and welfare office pickets right in their own neighborhoods. also many of these groups found great success (albeit short-lived) by meeting people where they were and in some cases adopting a 'radical cool' which connected with the disaffected working poor youth and made politics something personal and something desirable. i think we could use a lot more 'radical cool' today.

  2. 5 out of 5

    Paul Oliver

    An important and timely history of poor white activists working to bridge racial and economic barriers in the prime of the civil rights movement. It's hard to imagine a time where impoverished and geographically displaced Appalachian whites were able to set-aside centuries of institutionalized racism in order to work alongside groups like the Black Panthers and the Puerto Rican Young Lords. Hillbilly Nationalists is thoroughly researched and annotated, yet still provides exactly the kind of inspir An important and timely history of poor white activists working to bridge racial and economic barriers in the prime of the civil rights movement. It's hard to imagine a time where impoverished and geographically displaced Appalachian whites were able to set-aside centuries of institutionalized racism in order to work alongside groups like the Black Panthers and the Puerto Rican Young Lords. Hillbilly Nationalists is thoroughly researched and annotated, yet still provides exactly the kind of inspiration working class Americans need to reform their misplaced faith in Tea Party politics.

  3. 5 out of 5

    Victoria Law

    Given today's various "occupy" movements and the overwhelming amount of White privilege (and perhaps class privilege), a book on Whites organizing against both racism and classism is really sorely needed.

  4. 4 out of 5

    Alan Mills

    This is really two books. The first 3/4 of the book os a detailed examination of attempts to organize poor white people living in the Uptown neighborhood on the north side of Chicago for a few years in the late 60's and early 70's. The last section is a much briefer, less detail rich account of similar work in New York and Philadelphia at about the same time. These latter sections lack the rich local detail of the first part of the book, and the reader gets the feeling that the authors did not h This is really two books. The first 3/4 of the book os a detailed examination of attempts to organize poor white people living in the Uptown neighborhood on the north side of Chicago for a few years in the late 60's and early 70's. The last section is a much briefer, less detail rich account of similar work in New York and Philadelphia at about the same time. These latter sections lack the rich local detail of the first part of the book, and the reader gets the feeling that the authors did not have nearly the same number of interviews and documentary record that they had for Uptown. The first portion of the book--focused on Uptown was both fascinating, and disappointing. Roger Ebert once said that no one can enjoy a movie shot in their own dining room because all they will see is the flaws in the wallpaper. Maybe that was my problem with Hillbilly Nationalists. I have worked in Uptown since 1978--a few years after this account stops--at the Uptown People's Law Center, a store-front legal clinic much like the one described in the book. I know several of the people from Uptown described in the book. The history of JOIN, Rising Up Angry, and associated organizations is certainly fascinating, well written, and full of detail. a good story. But his presentation of the so called fracturing of the left in Uptown--which is where the book stops its account--is woefully incomplete. Many people picked up the struggle right where the book stops--and are still there today. Dozens of activists have now lived and worked in Uptown for 30+ years, struggling in one structure or another to maintain a progressive position in a racially, economically, and ethnically diverse community, and continuing to link the local struggles with multiracial citywide coalitions, national movements, and the international anti-colonialism/anti-war movements. This effort has reshaped Uptown, with a core of progressive, low income people of all races and ethnic groups (and sexual orientation), all willing and able to fight for their community. Just this past weekend, the community banded together to fight against school closings. The group included students, artists, teachers, and poor people, Black, White, Latino, Asian, African, and many more. Many had lived here for decades, and in some cases families included three generations who attended the same local school. This history of struggle has resulted in a community unique in Chicago--if not the entire country. The few short years described here were only a beginning, not an ending. The remainder of the story needs to be told.

  5. 4 out of 5

    Angela

    Highly recommended! I learned a ton about 60s and 70s activism that focused on class, in addition to race and gender, issues. Chicago peeps, did you know Uptown was known as Hillbilly Harlem and considered one of the city's most dangerous post-WWII slums? If you have even the slightest interest in social justice but have never heard of Peggy Terry, Dovie Coleman, or Mike James (as I had not), you gotta read this.

  6. 4 out of 5

    m.bryan.welton

    This was great, and fills a pretty critical vacuum. But it felt rushed at times, and I feel like I finished wanting a similar-length book that could be focused just on the history and internal dynamics Rising Up Angry.

  7. 5 out of 5

    Benjamin

    I had seen the white dudes with confederate flag patches hanging with the Panthers in the film "The Murder of Fred Hampton" and I knew that they were Okies and Hillbillies living in Chicago slums and that was enough to make me want to read this. But there's way more to this small book than just those cats, the Young Patriots. We also learn about their political ancestors, the Jobs Or Income Now organization that came out of SDS's ERAP, and white working class rebels in related groups in Chicago, I had seen the white dudes with confederate flag patches hanging with the Panthers in the film "The Murder of Fred Hampton" and I knew that they were Okies and Hillbillies living in Chicago slums and that was enough to make me want to read this. But there's way more to this small book than just those cats, the Young Patriots. We also learn about their political ancestors, the Jobs Or Income Now organization that came out of SDS's ERAP, and white working class rebels in related groups in Chicago, Philadelphia and the Bronx. These kinds of groups, hopefully this time without the confederate flag, are exactly what the US needs now: radical, anti-racist, class-based community organizations that can reach the people that liberals have written off and left for the "deplorables." Radical histories like this one have so much to offer activists today: not just the lessons of the past but also some relief from that feeling of isolation. It's all so damn important and yet so freaking invisible!

  8. 5 out of 5

    Lisa

    I really enjoyed this book, not least because it provides a history of white working-class radical organizing across racial divides - but also because it was, by and large, situated in Chicago, although the book also discusses organizing that went on in Kensington, PA, Oregon, and to a lesser extent, New York. Uptown was the home of the Patriots and JOIN (Jobs or Income Now!), both of which formed alliances with the Young Lords and the Black Panthers, and centered around Uptown's at that time vi I really enjoyed this book, not least because it provides a history of white working-class radical organizing across racial divides - but also because it was, by and large, situated in Chicago, although the book also discusses organizing that went on in Kensington, PA, Oregon, and to a lesser extent, New York. Uptown was the home of the Patriots and JOIN (Jobs or Income Now!), both of which formed alliances with the Young Lords and the Black Panthers, and centered around Uptown's at that time vibrant hillbilly community. Rising Up Angry, which came later, was an explicitly multi-racial working-class community organizing effort, and also organized folks from the Northwest Suburbs, and explicitly celebrated rather than denigrated working-class culture surrounding cars, dress, and thought. I didn't know that Mike James (the owner of the Heartland Cafe, my first Chicago haunt) was a former member of Rising Up Angry and JOIN, although it makes a lot of sense, now that I think about it, given the culture and structure of the place. I take a certain amount of pride in the knowledge that Chicago was, in many ways, at the forefront of multiracial working-class organizing, and am happy to know that there is a book that documents this history. At the same time, the book recognizes that the Black Panthers and Young Lords were subject to much greater levels of repression, and that tensions between white middle-class organizers and white working-class organizers were always present even within working-class community organizations. This should be required reading for white, middle-class leftists who deride the white working-class as hopelessly racist and/or apolitical - or really, for anyone interested in radical politics, Chicago history, or the '60s. While the organizing model used had its limitations and flaws, it is critical that we recognize the linkages and common humanity of all people in any organizing project. This work is important in the sense that it recognizes the efforts of those whom it is usually presumed had no interest in radical struggle, and were focused solely on their own communities and advancement within the capitalist system. This book complicates that narrative and provides grounding for current movements and work.

  9. 4 out of 5

    Eliot Fiend

    I found this book on recommendation about works that articulate connections between racism and classism in America and found so much more--Sonnie and Tracy's well-researched history of community organizing that united working-class people with undermining racism in the 60s and 70s. This history of the Young Patriots, JOIN, White Lightning, Rising Up Angry, and October 4th Organization is def recommended reading for contemporary organizers, dreamers, and folks working for social justice. Helped m I found this book on recommendation about works that articulate connections between racism and classism in America and found so much more--Sonnie and Tracy's well-researched history of community organizing that united working-class people with undermining racism in the 60s and 70s. This history of the Young Patriots, JOIN, White Lightning, Rising Up Angry, and October 4th Organization is def recommended reading for contemporary organizers, dreamers, and folks working for social justice. Helped me understand the origins of 'radical/racial division of labor' (currently, Black Lives Matter and SURJ, among others) with the Panthers and civil rights movement; and so much of the New Right and Donald Trump's populism and 'law and order' rhetoric is reflected in the same kinds of tactics and behaviors by government and leaders thirty and forty years ago and more--Rizzo in Philadelphia, George Wallace in the South, Nixon, and Daley in Chicago, among others. This book is deeply inspiring and exciting. Highly recommended.

  10. 4 out of 5

    Mills College Library

    303.48409 S6993 2011

  11. 4 out of 5

    Mitch

    You won't get this stuff anywhere else. You can tell a lot of research went into it.

  12. 5 out of 5

    Rebecca

    amazing. One of the most important books I have read in a long time.

  13. 5 out of 5

    blakeR

    The blurb on the back starts with, "Given the invisibility of this history. . ." And I agree this history has been largely invisible. But upon reading, it strikes me that one of the reasons for this lack of visibility may be the overall lack of effectiveness of these movements, especially when compared with larger, longer-lasting efforts like Black Panthers, SNCC, and SDS. I'm not saying it's not valuable to learn about the small, predominantly poor white urban movements of the 60s and 70s. I am The blurb on the back starts with, "Given the invisibility of this history. . ." And I agree this history has been largely invisible. But upon reading, it strikes me that one of the reasons for this lack of visibility may be the overall lack of effectiveness of these movements, especially when compared with larger, longer-lasting efforts like Black Panthers, SNCC, and SDS. I'm not saying it's not valuable to learn about the small, predominantly poor white urban movements of the 60s and 70s. I am saying that their historical obscurity doesn't quite reach the level of "injustice," just because the movements themselves were not extremely significant outside of a few important qualities. Moreover, there's a fine line between recognizing the efforts of unsung white folks on one hand, and on the other trying to center whiteness in what has historically (and deservedly) been a minority movement. This book mostly stays on the proper side of that line, but it appears to slip over at times. However, there are important lessons to learn from such a history, most of them describing intra-movement conflicts: the tension between forming interracial coalitions and "staying in your lane;" the disconnect between academics/theoreticians and the community they're attempting to serve; and the importance of reaching out to "lost cause" communities because you can occasionally shift their perspectives on race. I really liked the bit at the end about O4O taking poor communities on field trips to the neighborhoods of their landlords and employers, in order to drive home the reality of their economic exploitation. It's a brilliant tactic that could still serve us today. Overall, I'm glad I read it and I'll keep it on my shelf just to be able to reference JOIN, Rising Up Angry, October 4th Organization and White Lightning when I'm pondering community organizing. I do wish Sonnie and Tracy might have offered more straightforward analysis on the dissolutions of these groups. They discuss each one individually but only in passing. Some of the questions I would have been interested to see addressed in a concluding chapter: -Why did they stop connecting with their communities? -Why weren't they able to keep fresh blood cycling into the organization as staff? -What, if they had done it differently, might have enabled them to continue? Obviously all of these questions are applicable for people who would like to build successful movements in the future. The work of these groups is definitely inspiring, but it takes the wind out a bit that they were all so uniformly ephemeral. How can we prevent the same thing from happening the next time around? Overall I'd recommend it if you're more than passingly interested in the Civil Rights era and 60s/70s activism. It's a short, engaging read and provides a different angle to round out your knowledge. It doesn't reach "crucial" reading status, but then again not everything has to. Not Bad Reviews @pointblaek

  14. 4 out of 5

    James

    Sonnie and Tracy seek to uncover the history of leftwing poor white activism and community organizing within poor white communities, whom are typically a blind spot for middle class white organizers, whom see poor whites as brainwashed pawns of conservative unions and politicians. While the historical memory of white workers during the 1960s-70s was that of white union workers confronting anti-war protestors and condemning black power, Sonnie & Tracy instead refocus on the countercurrent in Sonnie and Tracy seek to uncover the history of leftwing poor white activism and community organizing within poor white communities, whom are typically a blind spot for middle class white organizers, whom see poor whites as brainwashed pawns of conservative unions and politicians. While the historical memory of white workers during the 1960s-70s was that of white union workers confronting anti-war protestors and condemning black power, Sonnie & Tracy instead refocus on the countercurrent in poor white communities, especially in Chicago. The book’s focus is on the rise of the Young Patriots in the Uptown neighborhood of Chicago, recently populated with thousands of Appalachian Southern whites whom had fled long neglect, and living in neighborhoods that were quickly torn apart by Urban Renewal programs. The Young Patriots became the poor white part of the original Rainbow Coalition between the Black Panthers and the Young Lords, a Puerto Rican power group, in promoting community self-reliance and cross racial solidarity against police brutality and for community control. The book is broken down into four chapters, three of which concentrate on Chicago organizing. The first touches on the construction of JOIN city union, originally by SDS in poor white neighborhoods but quickly became an organization of poor whites as SDS splintered into factionalism. The organization focused on building against police brutality and housing, and is told through the eyes of Peggy Terry. The second chapter moves to the Young Patriots, who emerged from JOIN’s anti-police brutality committee. It deposits that poor whites were just as likely to oppose racism as middle class whites, and that class specific organizing must be infused with a race understanding as well to build across color divides. The third chapter looks to Rising Up Angry, which took it to another level as it began to organize with gender at the forefront as well as race and class, meaning that women were key parts of the day to day work instead of in the back. Chapter four moves to organizations in other cities, namely the October 4th Organization in Philadelphia, organizing in Kensington and Fishtown amongst poor whites to counter Frank Rizzo, and White Lightening in the Bronx, which organized against drug sentencing laws. Key Themes and Concept -A defining image that the authors return to is at the United Front Against Fascism conference in Oakland 1969, where Young Patriots with stitched on Confederate flags stood side by side with Black Panthers, watching each other’s backs. This symbol of racism became a symbol of defiance by Southern whites against middle class whites in the North, and the Black Panthers accepted that. -The groups used the Black Panther strategy of “Organize Your Own” for organizing direct services in their own community, such as breakfast programs, anti-drug clinics, and abortion services. -Class must be informed by race and vice versa, and organizing that ignores working class whites will ultimately be short sighted.

  15. 4 out of 5

    Anna Gaebler

    Unearthing dusty pieces of history more relevant now than ever, Sonnie and Tracy craft a cogent history of four major community organizing efforts that brought poor Whites into radical solidarity with people of Color. Major takeaways: - Culture is a key site for organizing and can sustain movements. The White Southern communities discussed in this book - those that became fertile grounds for radicalization - were strongly defined by a cultural heritage transplanted to the urban North from Appalac Unearthing dusty pieces of history more relevant now than ever, Sonnie and Tracy craft a cogent history of four major community organizing efforts that brought poor Whites into radical solidarity with people of Color. Major takeaways: - Culture is a key site for organizing and can sustain movements. The White Southern communities discussed in this book - those that became fertile grounds for radicalization - were strongly defined by a cultural heritage transplanted to the urban North from Appalachia. These communities already came together around a shared sense of identity, which proved exceedingly useful in organizing them. (I feel like this is one of the reasons middle to upper-class White people seem so unorganizable. We never get together anyway - around anything.) - Solidarity is something you can hold in your hands. It wasn't rhetoric that bound the Young Patriots to the Black Panthers - it was tangible commitment to mutual survival. E.g. when a crowd of Young Patriots swarmed a pair of cops trying to arrest Bob Lee and prevented his detention. In fact, the rhetoric - or the optics - explicitly didn't matter - I mean, the YPs had a Confederate Flag as their logo, for goodness sake... On that moment, Lee said "'I'll never forget looking at all those brave white motherfuckers standing in the light of the police car staring in the face of death'" (77). Interesting things of note: - SDS had some strange community organizing politics. Sonnie and Tracy detail the falling out between JOIN and SDS after Uptown residents became fed up with middle-class White organizers' patronizing attitudes. I hadn't fully understood the tension during this era between poor White radicals and elite, educated White radicals. - COINTELPRO explicitly targeted JOIN and the Young Patriots. CPD routinely raided their offices (not unlike the Black Panthers) and literally killed a vocal Uptown activist, Ronnie Williams (50). - Peggy Terry, one of the prominent JOIN activists profiled in the book, actually ran on a presidential ticket with Eldridge Cleaver. - Gender justice was a huge part of poor White radical organizing in Chicago! Heck yeah! - The Young Patriots even drafted their own Ten-Point Program. And they opened their own health center, mimicking the Panthers' survival programs. Questions I'm asking: - What does this mean for now? The material conditions faced by poor Appalachian Uptown residents, for example, are so wildly different that experiences of poor White urban dwellers today - in terms of treatment by police, quality of housing, etc. If the root of solidarity was collective shared experience that transcended race (not saying the conditions among communities of Color weren't worse - they were), what does that mean for the possibility of similar coalitions today? - What does poor White self-determination look like now in a neoliberal capitalist landscape? - Many more...

  16. 5 out of 5

    Andrew Figueiredo

    An incredibly well-written book on white working class leftist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. Amy Sonnie put together a very thoroughly researched piece that examines the social, political, and economic dynamics of these movements and offers a very frank account of their strengths and shortcomings. It's hard to find a lot of information online about many of these movements, which were repressed or divided in the 1970s, so this is easily one of the best sources if you're interested. Also, the An incredibly well-written book on white working class leftist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. Amy Sonnie put together a very thoroughly researched piece that examines the social, political, and economic dynamics of these movements and offers a very frank account of their strengths and shortcomings. It's hard to find a lot of information online about many of these movements, which were repressed or divided in the 1970s, so this is easily one of the best sources if you're interested. Also, the epilogue is awfully forward-thinking, especially considering it was written in 2011, 5 years before the failure of the left to engage the white working class became apparent. Hillbilly Nationalists is a crucial work in the history of the American left.

  17. 4 out of 5

    Ryan

    Made it through for book club. Lots of interesting facts, but this book really needed an editor. It was a lot of essentially meeting notes, presented incredibly dryly. I learned some, but only because I pushed through a lot of unengaging language.

  18. 5 out of 5

    Eric

    Excellent.

  19. 5 out of 5

    R. Muzaffer

    Important especially for today.

  20. 5 out of 5

    Nigel Tskitishvili

    important book for anyone interested in interracial activism among america's working classes

  21. 5 out of 5

    Daniel

    Really interesting topic, organizations that came out of poor, white communities and dedicated themselves to educating whites on racism and connecting them to a larger class struggle against war and imperialism, against police brutality, hunger and in-access to medicine. The authors have them taking their cues from Stokely Carmichael who kept insisting that the best way for whites to participate in the civil rights movement was for them to take care of their own backyard, deal with their own com Really interesting topic, organizations that came out of poor, white communities and dedicated themselves to educating whites on racism and connecting them to a larger class struggle against war and imperialism, against police brutality, hunger and in-access to medicine. The authors have them taking their cues from Stokely Carmichael who kept insisting that the best way for whites to participate in the civil rights movement was for them to take care of their own backyard, deal with their own communities. Still i think a valuable lesson for activists trying to base themselves in a solidarity model that positions them as allies instead of activists invested in a struggle for their own selves. It's easy to drop a cause when you just think you're doing some anonymous group a favour, less easy when you're fighting for your friends, neighbors and families. It's also a great dive into history, because these were all groups i have never heard of, even if the campaigns they worked on and some of the people involved with them are legendary. White Lightning in particular is inspiring as a group of addicts and survivors of psychological institutionalization who went on to challenge rockefeller, resist mandatory minimum sentencing, occupy hospitals and demand collective control of health care.

  22. 5 out of 5

    Cary Miller

    This book was very interesting and very welcome in the ways that it expands and complicates histories of the late 60s-early 70s. Inspiring, also, to know that people have wrestled with questions and challenges that I also struggle with. Particularly interesting were the documentation of police/FBI repression, the discussion of how particular issues were used as foundations for the larger strategic organizing goals, the ideological alternative to Alinsky-style organizing, and the very honest desc This book was very interesting and very welcome in the ways that it expands and complicates histories of the late 60s-early 70s. Inspiring, also, to know that people have wrestled with questions and challenges that I also struggle with. Particularly interesting were the documentation of police/FBI repression, the discussion of how particular issues were used as foundations for the larger strategic organizing goals, the ideological alternative to Alinsky-style organizing, and the very honest descriptions of the challenges and victories (for all the groups) of organizing the (original) Rainbow Coalition. The things I wish it had more of were: more accounts of the internal/personal work that white individuals went through in this organizing (maybe difficult so far removed in time); more discussion of how these organizations were funded; and yeah, how their activism evolved and continued into the following decades.

  23. 4 out of 5

    Jesse Lehrer

    A great, informative take on a very ignored segment of history. Important for any white activist interested in seeing how white people successfully did radical organizing with the Black Panthers, Young Lords, and other organizations. This period in time was the turning point in american politics - from all the progression of the 40s, 50s, and 60s in economic and then racial and gender justice, to severe repression and murder by the US government during the 70s and the turn towards conservatism t A great, informative take on a very ignored segment of history. Important for any white activist interested in seeing how white people successfully did radical organizing with the Black Panthers, Young Lords, and other organizations. This period in time was the turning point in american politics - from all the progression of the 40s, 50s, and 60s in economic and then racial and gender justice, to severe repression and murder by the US government during the 70s and the turn towards conservatism that still controls the country today.

  24. 5 out of 5

    Mike

    Cool book released at a good time

  25. 4 out of 5

    TJ

    A history I had never heard before- how poor whites from Appalachia combined with the Black Panthers to combat racism. And based mostly in Chicago. Awesome and well written

  26. 5 out of 5

    Alan Gray

    Interesting account of white working class organisation. A little too much a history from the outside: more accounts from the activists themselves would have been interesting

  27. 4 out of 5

    Andrew

    excellent.

  28. 4 out of 5

    Jessan

    Very interesting history that I had not learned before.

  29. 5 out of 5

    James Schmittened

  30. 4 out of 5

    Mark

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